Appeal Court verdict, an opportunity to rebuild PDP‘
Mazi Sam Ohuabunwa says
By Fly Cable News
Mazi Sam Ohuabunwa is a former People’s Democratic Party (PDP) presidential aspirant. In this interview with Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI, Ohuabunwa traces the genesis of the internal crisis rocking the party and how stakeholders can resolve it
What’s your reaction to the recent Court of Appeal judgment on the PDP crisis?
I don’t have any thoughts on the judgment; my approach is to respect the courts. We often say the judiciary is corrupt, but all Nigerian institutions and people are corrupt. We have endemic corruption in society, and I don’t expect the judiciary to be made up of saints.
Sometimes we say the judiciary gives good judgments, and other times we say it is not a good judgment, so all the judgments, whether I like them or not, I respect them.
For me, we have to live with the judgment, as it is clear we can’t go any further. Anybody who wishes to go further is free to do so, but is probably wasting time, as you can see the trend and the basis for the judgment against the Turaki faction.
I believe what we are seeing in the PDP is the result of the party breaking its rules. When the PDP broke its rules in 2022, I predicted it was headed toward destabilization and destruction.
Everybody has been unhappy with how things have turned out since 2022. The major disputants have refused to sheathe their swords. Everyone has turned to the courts to resolve the matter. So far, the two Appeal Court judgments have recognised the (Wike-led) National Caretaker Committee.
At this point, my position is, let us accept what the Appeal Court has said, and use it as an opportunity to rebuild the party, because as we say in local parlance, half bread is better than no bread; if you are looking for the sun but the sun is not attainable, you can take the moon; if the moon is not attainable, you take the stars.
All sides to the dispute have their justification. But the fact is that destabilization occurred in 2022. It’s like when you destabilize a building, and it cracks or breaks into two: you are not going to blame the broken walls. The problem is: who caused the damage? A party that works against its constitution and principles usually ends in chaos.
What are your suggestions on the way forward, given the situation the party currently finds itself in?
Now that we are in chaos, my advice, especially to those who belong to what I call the mainstream faction, is that they should swallow their pride, because many of them were also part of those who caused the trouble.
When I see people postulate about one side or the other, I laugh because everyone has played a role in the crisis that brought us to where we are today. When you see a governor fighting a former governor, do not be quick to pass judgment because two of them were together when the crisis began.
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So, what we need to accept is that, as Jesus puts it, we have all sinned and come short of the glory of God.
At this point, we must swallow our ego, call everybody together, and ask each other, where do we go from here? What do you want? What do I want? We must reach a compromise: if you want the president, give me the vice president; and if you want the Senate President, give me the Speaker.
That is how all political decisions are made; I do not see a political gladiator who will take all the positions; he must be willing to let go in some areas.
To clarify, you keep referring to 2022. Are you referring to the idea of going against the party’s zoning arrangement between the North and the South? Is that correct?
Exactly, that was the genesis of the crisis we are facing today; that was what cracked the party, and the crack has kept widening. Today, the house is falling apart.
Looking at the whole scenario, who is to blame for the crisis in the PDP today?
The ambition of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and former Governor Nyesom Wike was the main issue that tore the party apart. To accommodate both of them, the party leaders who owed allegiance to both of them threw caution to the wind by jettisoning the zoning arrangement between the North and the South.
Another contributing factor was that Senator Iyorchia Ayu and many members of the National Working Committee (NWC) were compromised and so lacked the moral will to stand up to defend the party’s constitution.
Generally, the issue in Nigeria is a lack of principled politics, and the PDP is a case study of this. Nigerians and other political parties should learn from it.
Aside from Atiku’s ambition and the truncation of the zoning between the North and the South, Wike’s disagreement with Seyi Makinde, his former G-5 ally, is believed to have aggravated the crisis. What’s your comment on that?
Fortunately, I have been there from the beginning, so I can trace where the river bifurcated. It all began after Mr. Wike lost the primary, following the PDP’s failure to zone the ticket to the South.
The party leaders at the time were not sure what they wanted. When the issue of zoning the ticket to the South arose, some suggested zoning it to the Southeast, but someone like Wike, who was eyeing the ticket, was not comfortable with the idea (Wike is from the South-South).
So, Atiku capitalized on this division within the South to argue that the ticket should be thrown open to all aspirants. With the benefit of hindsight, this whole drama was between Atiku and Wike from the beginning. There was an opportunity to salvage it after Wike lost the primary, and he lost it in a way that would prompt complaints, given the breach of protocol in allowing Tambuwal to speak on the podium twice.
The crisis persisted because Wike felt repeatedly injured and betrayed. First, he expected Tambuwal, whom he supported in 2019, to support him in 2023. Instead, Tambuwal not only contested but also stepped down in favour of Atiku.
Secondly, he was side-tracked by Atiku from becoming the vice presidential candidate, despite scoring the highest mark in the report of the nomination committee set up by Atiku and the party. Wike became fully radicalized when Ayu refused vehemently to step down as national chairman to allow a southern chairman to take over.
So, the North had the presidential candidate and the party’s national chairman. From that moment, the centre could no longer hold.
In your view, what would be the implications if the PDP fails to be on the ballot for the 2027 general election?
The implication is that the party would finally collapse; a political office leverages a party.
Aside from the presidency, which it cannot win given the circumstances, if the PDP fails to win any governorship seat, senatorial, House of Reps, and state assembly seats in the next election cycle, it would be like starting a new party if it eventually gets its act together in future elections beyond 2027.
Under such circumstances, it would take a long time before it comes to reckoning. To remain relevant going forward, it must be on the ballot in 2027 and win elective positions.
Why is this happening within the PDP?
Our political sophistication remains low; we have not learned to play principled politics, the politics of ideology. People are still playing for personal benefit, the politics of what’s in it for me rather than what’s best for the country.
Regional politics prevail in the country. If any party should be nationalistic and mature, it should be the PDP, because it is a party where no one can beat their chest and claim ownership.
It is just that our politics have not matured; we are still playing prebendalism, the politics of worshipping personalities, and the politics of money.
